Did Deng Xiaoping nurse a grudge against Chairman Mao?

Posted on my China Writers Forum

Recently, a discussion arose in the China Writers Forum regarding whether Deng Xiaoping nursed a grudge against Chairman Mao. I have no personal information about this subject, but I have done some historical research. The following is my contribution to the discussion.

I have mentioned in earlier posts my interest in reading Party-sanctioned history books on the CPC in 2011, on the ninetieth anniversary of the Communist Party of China. At the time, I was a frequent flyer in China and rummaged through every airport bookstore but couldn't find a single offering. After persistent efforts, I became the proud owner of three books from three eras, all written, published and sanctioned by the CPC. The most current issue, published in 2010, was titled "The History of the Chinese Communist Party" (中国共产党历史). Its contents include much of what happened after the end of the Cultural Revolution and the beginning of the reforms under Deng's leadership.

To make a long story short, at the conclusion of the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee held in December of 1978, Deng made a seminal speech to unify the CPC, which was in danger of fracturing from within because of Mao's perceived role in attacking first-generation revolutionaries and high-level party officials during the Cultural Revolution. The title of the speech is "Liberate thought; seek truth from facts; unify the Party and look forward into the future." To summarize:

1. Liberate thought: Keep an open mind and discover the truth of what happened (during the Cultural Revolution) objectively (to learn the lesson). We must solve this political problem and find a new direction for the CPC. We must be concerned about the collective future of the CPC, the nation and its people (not about how we were victims; Deng and his family suffered much). If we continue to argue about the past, we will not progress and will cause the demise of the CPC and the nation (亡党亡国).

2. The Party must go on: One of the conditions for thought liberation is democratization. We have talked too much about it but done little. We must courageously pass power down to the people to improve their livelihood. And we must strengthen the laws and democratic system so they will remain even after leadership changes.

3. Dealing with history as the first step to look forward: We must distinguish right from wrong and overturn wrongful convictions. It is the prerequisite condition for the CPC to stay united. Indeed, Mao approved some of the cases, and he was wrong. However, we criticize Mao's judgment so we can look forward, not completely overturn Mao's contributions and all his ideas (he was, after all, human). We must lead and scientifically educate all our Party members and the people on the objective history of Mao's achievements.

4. Economic development: We must learn about the new conditions of the world and quickly come up with solutions to solve the problems. We must stop blowing political hot air on everything, instead reform to improve production, allowing people the freedom to innovate. Let people everywhere who lead and succeed gain wealth, creating positive demonstration and influence for their neighbours and elevating economic conditions for entire regions.

The Third Plenary was a watershed for the CPC. It overturned Hua Guofeng's "Two Whatevers," which basically said Mao did not err and was irreproachable. It set up the stage for Hua to cede power and retreat into the background. Deng's argument was Mao's own favourite motto, "Seek truth From Facts." The Plenary firmly established Mao's contribution to the Chinese Revolution (that is why Mao's face graces the Forbidden City and the hundred yuan bill) and criticized his errors in his old age, reminding everyone Marxism did not expect a revolutionary leader to be unerring and blameless. When some members wanted to heap all the blame on Mao and condemn him to the dustbin of history, Deng reminded them that, at the time, many people in power did not oppose Mao, including Deng himself. The Party was not a one-member club, and top officials should shoulder some blame.

The book further describes the actions taken in the following years to overturn millions of wrongful convictions and the discriminatory treatment suffered by tens of millions affected by those cases. Regarding Mao's place in history, in particular, CPC history, the Sixth Plenary held in June of 1981, after wide-ranging consultation with high officials and non-Party democratic representatives, came up with a historical document titled, "The resolution regarding certain historical questions since the establishment of the Party," in short, "The Resolution." It outlines in detail the contributions and errors of Mao, reiterating the Party must keep flying the flag of Mao Thought and learn from Mao's mistakes. I'll stop here. This essay is a snippet of history from the horse's mouth. I do my best to share it without prejudice.

Peter Man